World tired of dictatorships like that of Burma
Tint Swe is a member of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, which was set up after the 1990 general elections won by the National League for Democracy (NLD) but never recognised by the junta. He fled to India in 1990 and has been living in New Delhi since 21 December 1991 where he is the government’s information officer for South Asia and East Timor.
According to Burmese military rulers’ roadmap, the so-called disciplined democracy is about to end now as the parliament gets ready to begin its first session a month or two. However, why do we continue talking about democracy in Burma?
There have been governments, like those in ASEAN, who saw the election of 7 November as a step in the right direction. Observers are excited about a few seats won by ethnic parties. But some dos and don’ts have already been issued for the conduct in the parliament. The military will appoint the chief ministers in the cabinet. It will be like the national convention when two ethnic presidium members had to go into exile. There were people who sought some political space and challenged the election. They found a square inch in the Black Sea.
There are more people who think that the release of Aung San Suu Kyi is ray of fresh hope for democracy and national reconciliation. Broadly speaking, after the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, the people of Burma are half way on the road to democracy. It does not necessarily mean that they have to walk for two more decades to cover the distance of the other half. This phase, to quote Aung San Suu Kyi, will be travelled at a 21st century pace.
The issue of the NLD’s status may yet be answered. Officially, it does not exist but on ground, it is very much active. As the movement is 20 years old, it needs new blood and a fresh strategy as well as new allies.
Aung San Suu Kyi is as relentless in her work as she is tireless in her speeches. It seems that from outside world no former friendly countries will leave the NLD behind. It is encouraging that India, which has so far sat on the fence as an Indian expert from London University observed, now shows signs for more engagement not only with the junta but also with Aung San Suu Kyi and maybe others too. Indian media are doing a tremendous job. Indian civil society, especially at the academic level, is full of life. All will lead to new policies, which is what Burmese people want.
During a series of consultations on Burma in Delhi, Indian observers are excited to see the emergence of a new institution in Burma, the parliament. Some observers have stressed the significance that some seats were won by ethnic parties. Still, all the main ministers will be appointed by the military. It will be the same as the national convention, which drafted the constitution. Already some dos and don’ts are in place to govern conduct in parliament. Non-USDP parties will get as much political space as one square inch in the Black Sea.
By ignoring or not knowing that members of the NLD are under tight controls, the party has been criticised for its allegedly limited intra-party democracy. The party the November election, the Union Solidarity and Development party (USDP), is actually not a political party. It cannot be compared to the Communist party of China or the People's Action Party in Singapore. It is people in civilian clothes civilian who will perform different jobs, namely prime minister, ministers, commanders, crony businessmen, hooligans to beat and kill Aung San Suu Kyi and all dissidents.
One analyst said that everything has fallen on the shoulders of Aung San Suu Kyi, but he is wrong. Machiavellianism is as real international relations. But Burma’s quest for democracy is a revolution that needs a dynamic leader. In addition to national reconciliation, it needs a trusted leader. No other one can be Gandhi or Nelson Mandela!
In India, some think that the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) will tame the Burmese military regime by giving a greater place in regional and international forums. However, the Burmese military is different from all other armies in the region. The expectation in the West that military officers trained abroad could one day change things is just a pipe dream.
The next, and hopefully the last phase on the road to democracy, is already in place as new ideas and new initiatives appear inside, calling for new policies and approaches from abroad.
It is undeniable that China is challenging not only the region but also the entire world. History has let it happened. Now one country cannot resist or stand alone. For that mission impossible everybody is looking at Burma’s position.
During Cold War era, General Ne Win played the East-West card to stay in power for 26 years. The current junta has played the India-China card for 22 years to stay on power. But the people of Burma want to be friends with both China and India.
The recent high-level meeting between China and India is a good sign for Burma even though no word on Burma was uttered. It shows that there is no regional Cold War this century. Both are getting ready to take on more global responsibilities, and neither may be too happy about a dictatorship on their doorstep.
In the meantime, Burma’s senior general is busy cleaning up his own house. His focus does not go beyond Naypyitaw. However, the world cannot wait for long.
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