08/20/2013, 00.00
LEBANON
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Ruweis attack: a political and military turning point in Lebanon's crisis

by Fady Noun
The car bomb that exploded in a Hizbollah stronghold reflects Islam's ongoing internal strife. With fighting moving from Syria to Lebanon, the ghost of war is back in Beirut, placing security services on high alert against new attacks.

Beirut (AsiaNews) - Last Thursday's car bomb attack in Ruweis , a predominantly Shia residential and commercial district in south Beirut, located within Hizbollah's security perimeter, is a major political and military turning point in the country's crisis. In addition to a high death toll (27) with hundreds of wounded, the attack caused incalculable damage to commercial and residential property, reawakening memories of war. The attack was claimed by an unknown jihadist group.

To the extent that Hizbollah will not reconsider its military involvement in Syria, Lebanon's security, especially that of Hizbollah strongholds, has taken on greater urgency. When and where the next attack will come is something that many, including Foreign Minister Hussein Mansour, are asking themselves.

The results of the forensic investigation are not yet in, but it will be important to know whether the car bomb attack was carried out by a suicide bomber or by remote control, military experts say. The two modus operandi show different levels of determination by Hizbollah's opponents and therefore reflect their level of hostility as well as the state of readiness Lebanon should be in to face it.

Hizbollah's Secretary General stuck to a hard-line position last Friday, a day after the attack, hammering home at the end of his speech that the explosion would not change his determination to fight alongside the Syrian army, that: 'On the contrary, it reinforces it."

The next day, the Free Syrian Army slammed the threats, although primarily directed at 'Takfirist' (apostate) forces, promising to teach Hassan Nasrallah "a lesson he won't forget."

For analysts, Hizbollah's involvement in Syria should lead to more attacks against it where it is most vulnerable, i.e. its popular bases, especially in Beirut's southern suburbs. Its opponents could thus undermine the reputation of invulnerability of Hizbollah's security perimeter.

By contrast, Hizbollah's commitment in Syria shows, without a doubt, the weakness of the Syrian army, unable to win without significant foreign support. It also shows in its own way that the conflict is coldly becoming regionalised, if not internationalised.

The Ruweis attack finally shows how wrong Hassan Nasrallah was, when he thought he could restrict fighting to Syria, keeping Lebanon above the fray.

Instead, what the Ruweis incident clearly shows is that both Hizbullah and its adversaries have chosen where they want to fight, and that if the latter can reach in Lebanon, they will not hesitate in doing so.

In recent days, Lebanese security services have vetted all possibilities. In the wake of the attack, all of the country's security services, including at the municipal level, have been on high alert. This is probably going to continue for the time being as long as a new government is not set up, which Hizbollah and its allies want to control by virtue of their control of a third of the seats.

The only consolation in this desolate landscape is that all Lebanese political forces openly or tacitly condemned the Ruweis attack, although some did not hide their criticism of Hassan Nasrallah's party, whose involvement in Syria "is an invitation to terrorism to strike at Lebanon," as Future movement lawmakers said.

Undoubtedly, the attack has harmed Hizbollah, especially its leader. However, whatever they partisan or sectarian affiliation, it is ordinary Lebanese who are going to be hurt in their daily activities. Until now, they thought they had put the hard times behind them, in particular war, whose infamous dark shadow has been cast again.

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