by Stefano Caprio

December 12 celebrated the 30th anniversary of the post-Soviet Constitution, approved by Yeltsin. Charter traced by Putin back to Stalinist totalitarianism, though without imposing a new one in his name. Even in the major revision of 2020 (over 200 amendments) the charade of "democratic Russia" remains. With the March 17 vote, the president intends to usher in "year zero of the new era."

On 12 December, Russia celebrated the thirtieth anniversary of the post-Soviet Constitution, approved by Boris Yeltsin at a time of great enthusiasm for the democratic and liberal reforms of the first years after the end of the communist regime.

In reality, already in that year the openings to the new economic and political system had begun to go into crisis with the revolt of parliamentarians, which forced Yeltsin to bomb the Moscow White House to defend the "new democracy"; but the fundamental law became a symbol of not only formal change, for the construction of a future that Russia had never truly known.

The first contact with the "power of the people" for the Russians occurred when the "Westernist" tsar Peter the Great: in his early twenties, in 1698 he wanted to tour Europe with the "great embassy" to visit the shipyards of Denmark, Holland and Great Britain being attracted to ship building.

In London he was warmly welcomed by King William III of Orange, the first monarch in the world to cede part of his powers to the House of Lords, whose session the young tsar attended, spying through a small window.

At the end, Peter excitedly commented that "it is very fascinating when the people tell the truth to their king, but then it is he who decides." On the way back to Moscow, Peter also wanted to meet the philosopher Gottfried Leibnitz, who explained to him that he had to establish the Senate and other institutions of a true European state.

Peter the Great brought many innovations with him to his homeland, starting with smoking and vodka which earned him the qualification of "Antichrist" by the Orthodox Church, as well as naval and architectural techniques which he wanted to concentrate in the new capital of St. Petersburg.

The "City of Saint Peter", in honor of him and above all "new Rome", built in a few years and inaugurated in 1703, with canals and palaces similar to Venice and Copenhagen. In the "northern capital" he wanted to exalt the symbols of the new Europeanized Russian nobility and above all the magnificent Senate building, in which the oberprokurory sat, the Russian ministers so called according to Leibnitz's notes.

They counted for nothing, except the "minister of worship" who controlled the Church in place of the suppressed patriarch, the only one who retained the title of oberprokuror, also known as oko gosudarevo, "the eye of the sovereign" until the revolution.

The illusion of democratic institutions remained such for the two centuries of the Petersburg empire, with an attempt to establish a Parliament, the State Duma ("thinking") only at the beginning of the twentieth century, a few years before the revolution, without however obtaining credible results.

Even in the months that elapsed between the two revolutions of February and October of 1917, after the abdication of the tsar, Russian politicians were unable to agree to reunite the constituent assembly and begin a new democratic era.

Vladimir Lenin did it at the beginning of 1918, but since the assembly saw its clear defeat in the votes, he decided to dissolve it and move directly to the "dictatorship of the proletariat", in fact of the party and its leaders, as he understood better than anyone Secretary Joseph Stalin.

Yeltsin's pseudo-liberal Constitution was therefore traced back by Putin to Stalinist totalitarianism, having the foresight not to impose a new one in his name as the Soviet leaders did, but to proceed with subsequent "modifications and corrections".

Even in the great revision of 2020, with over 200 changes, we wanted to remain in the farce of "democratic Russia", indeed the only truly democratic country in the world, as Putin himself reiterated in recent days in the self-celebratory press conference, first since the start of the war in Ukraine.

In truth, the text revised in the unfortunate year of Covid, which had overshadowed the glorification of the new tsar, is the magna charta of Putin's ideology, and is called the "Constitution of zeroing", as it is associated with starting the mandates from scratch presidential elections and is the premise of Putin's attempt to consecrate himself in the March 17 elections.

If a new dark epidemic does not break out, which in any case the Russians would see as a plot by the Western devil, and the Ukro-Nazis are unable to reconquer Crimea and Donbass, as Putin assured the adoring public with a mocking smile, then the thirty-year post -Soviet will finally be archived, proclaiming year zero of the new era.

Pupils in Russian schools are therefore forced these days to learn by heart the articles of the Constitution, the gospel of Russia's superiority and victory over every enemy, to be repeated during "conversations on important things", the religious hours of the creed Putinian.

The Moses-Putin law guarantees freedom of speech, even if to know something different from state propaganda you need to know how to use sophisticated VPN systems. Freedom of movement is also functional to the common mission, so if a person is needed to wage war, his passport is confiscated to prevent him from fleeing.

Religious freedom is guaranteed at the highest level, that is, if one believes in State Orthodoxy, and it disintegrates by descending onto the steps of "less traditional" religions to be totally dispersed in unacceptable "destructive sects", such as the poor Jehovah's Witnesses, of which over 500 languish in prison as “extremists”.

The charter therefore proposes an "ethical democracy", a new model of which Russia is the bearer for the good of humanity, which ensures the superiority of "traditional values" - God, Homeland, Family and Holy War - against all moral degradation and the sexual deviances that the West wanted to inoculate even in the flesh of the Russians.

The contagion had reached Ukraine, but as the supreme guarantor of the constitution reiterated, the land of the Baptism of Kiev will soon be definitively de-Nazified and reconsecrated.

Moreover, one of the changes approved in 2020 establishes that the president of Russia must have been a permanent resident in Russia for at least 25 years, while when he was elected in 2000 Putin had only returned from the GDR for about ten years, but Soviet Germany was not a foreign country, it was a part of the Russian World liberated by the victors over Nazism, and today awaits new redemption.

A flaw already present in Yeltsin's 1993 constitution was the ambiguity in the definition of presidential mandates, which was unclear whether they should be limited to two absolutely, or just two consecutive ones.

So at the end of the second mandate, in 2008, Putin decided to try the "dualist monarchy", placing the dolphin Dmitry Medvedev on the throne and occupying the seat of prime minister, then returned to the dolphin himself for the following two terms from 2012 to 2018, at least until the trusty “Dimon” succumbed to the thrill of power to the point of replacing him with other extras.

The "zeroing" modification of 2020 put an end to the problems of succession to the throne, those that prevented Peter the Great from guaranteeing the development of the eighteenth-century empire, which got bogged down in the "realms of lovers" of the tsarinas.

At least until the arrival of Catherine the Great, a German prophetically "de-Nazified" and Russified more than the Russians themselves, who celebrated the true greatness of Russia at the end of the 18th century by invading Crimea and swallowing up Poland, Belarus and Ukraine, divided with Austria and Prussia.

Now there is no longer any need to find heirs and descendants: the fundamental law establishes the continuity of power "without separation or confusion", as stated in the dogma of Chalcedon on the union of the two natures of Christ, in the Council (Sobor in Russian) in which the Church universal definition of "Orthodoxy" was attributed to itself. There will be nothing but Putin, whatever his incarnation and revelation, supported by the authentic exegesis of the Orthodox patriarchy, immune from any external contagion.

Back in 1993 the approval of the Constitution did not take place in a "referendum," but was called a "vote of the whole people," vsenarodnoe golosovanie, although in reality about 30 percent went to vote.

Equally, the upcoming presidential elections in March will not be real elections, except to show the world Russia's "democratic" superiority even and especially in times of war.

Ukraine has in fact decided to postpone the vote until more peaceful times, and from the elections in Europe and America good news is expected for the Russians, giving every people on earth the Putin they are waiting for, or at least the one they deserve.

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