Eliminate "God" from national anthem. The Russian Communists against Putin and patriarchate

The proposal of the Kprf exponent was stamped by Lyubov Sliska, vice-chairman of the Duma and United Russia party as a "rude initiative." "If the communists think that the word 'God' is in contradiction with the Constitution - said Sliska - that means they think they can put themselves in the place of God and this is a grave mistake."  

Even the Moscow Patriarchate has intervened in the debate arising from the Kashin proposal. Father Vsevolod Chaplin, head of the Synod department for dialogue between the Church and Society, said that "the majority of our people have adopted this anthem and although some are still contrary there is no reason to remove the sentence that mentions God."  

The history of the hymn is linked to the Russian Soviet period. The music was composed by Alexander Alexandrov, the text by Sergei Mijalkov. It was performed for the first time in 1944 to replace the International. The text contained praises to Stalin that were later cancelled in 1953 with the end of the cult of personality attributed  to the "little father". With the death of the dictator, the anthem was played but without a text until the lyrics realised by Mijalkov in1977. With the fall of the Soviet Union the country remained without an anthem until Vladimir Putin, in 2000, decided to retrieve the music accompanying it with new text in which Russia is celebrated as the "Holy motherland", "unique" and "protected by God."

The controversy emerges cyclically and finds space in public debate, especially because it highlights a very debated Putin era: the use of religion to cement national unity. The premier is accused of wanting to restore a new form of Tsarism where orthodoxy is reduced to the handmaiden of political power.  

Boris Nemtsov, former Yeltsin vice-premier and now deputy leader of the coalition of democratic forces Solidarnost, described with harsh tones that line in his latest book "Disaster Putin. Freedom and democracy in Russia. " Nemtsov writes: "Communism had its own ideology, Putin has nothing, so he uses orthodoxy as an ideology." For the former Yeltsin man the Patriarchate of Moscow, especially under the leadership of Alexei II, has neither remained immune from liability. For Putin, the union of political action and religious tradition is the basis of a solid power in Russia today. Nemstov speaks of a "regime" that "is based on two pillars: orthodoxy and self-sufficiency." But he adds that, however strong, "it is a structure that is not destined to last."