by Stefano Caprio

In evoking the events of 1917 to read what has happened in the last few hours in Moscow Putin is not Lenin, just as Prigožin is not Kornilov. But the juxtaposition suggests the beginning of a new phase, if not quite a revolution, in Russia at war with the world.

The whole world was left with bated breath, starting with Russia itself, from the evening of Friday, June 23, to the following Saturday, completely overshadowing the billed work of the "Ukrainian counteroffensive."

Taking center stage was the spectacular "March on Moscow" by Evgenij Prigožin and his orchestra of 25,000 "musicians," as the mercenary fighters of the company inspired by German composer Wagner, author of myths that trigger apocalyptic instincts, are called.

A century after the similar Mussolinian march to the capital of the Kingdom of Italy, the Prigožinian march had a completely opposite course and outcome to the one that gave rise to fascism.

In fact, the Blackshirts encountered many obstacles on the road from Milan to Rome, becoming partly stranded in Perugia, and it seemed that the goal could not be achieved. Aided by very powerful sponsors, the Duce appeared before the king instead, obtaining the government of Italy, served on a silver platter.

The Russian balaclava-clad hulks, on the other hand, quietly settled into their ordinance trucks, traveling in one day the nearly 1,000 kilometers between Rostov-on-Don, the military base of the Russian campaign in Ukraine, where they were greeted by cheering crowds, almost all the way to Moscow, stopping near Tula at 200 kilometers, and then serenely turning back, having accomplished absolutely nothing.

In the apocalyptic tension that has shaken international public opinion over the possible outbreak of civil war in one of the largest nuclear powers, there were no reports of armed clashes, gunfire or bombings, not even a skirmish.

In a sidenote, there was talk of a couple of downed helicopters, without even making an effort to explain where and how they were turning the propellers. Instead of winning over the Kremlin, Prigožin was pardoned before even starting a trial for attempted coup, and went to Belarus to his friend Lukašenko, who suddenly appeared to stop the coup and turned out to be a great mediator, after 30 years in which he could not even get along with himself.

Some of the "musicians" have been hired by the regular army, others are taking a well-deserved vacation, and no one has anything more to add to the issue.

The mercenary leader thus fully regained his culinary reputation by serving a very spicy and very Russian menu, which, according to a local proverb, "can't be swallowed without a half-liter," of vodka of course.

The first dish served was indeed a bit indigestible, not least because of the excessive preparation time: the "Putin stew," which has been opening the "cook's" service for several months now.

It was even said that the czar had been hiding terrified in a bunker in St. Petersburg, and that by now he must be preparing to leave power, perhaps sheltering in Iran or North Korea.

Putin intervened on live television only 12 hours after the march began, in a rather sluggish speech to assure that "we will defend our people from traitors and mutinies."

Words resonated in Putin's statement that were very evocative of crucial events in Russian history, from "internal turmoil" to "revolution." In the early seventeenth century, Russia was in danger of being invaded by Poland, and was saved by volunteer militias assembled by merchants and princes, until the victory that allowed the establishment of the Romanov tsars: this is the phase known precisely as the "torbids," the conclusion of which in 1612 is now the national holiday of November 4, People's Unity Day.

The revolution, on the other hand, is that of 1917: in February (actually on March 8) the women of Petrograd had stormed the Winter Palace, driving out the few cadets guarding it without opposition, as the army was all deployed to the front with Germany, and Tsar Nicholas II himself had moved closer to the lines, not realizing that he was losing control of the situation completely.

In the chaos of the following months, before Lenin and Trotsky's Bolshevik coup, Kerensky's provisional government did not know which way to turn, and the army had completely dissolved; between August and September General Kornilov tried to take charge, but he was not supported by anyone, and his failure was the final blow that opened the way for the Soviets.

Putin is not Lenin, just as Prigožin is not Kornilov, but the juxtaposition suggests the beginning of a new phase, if not quite a revolution, in Russia at war with the whole world. It could be, as many think, the beginning of the end of Putin himself, unable to govern even his most loyal servants. Or on the contrary, Prigožin arranged the whole charade at the behest of Putin himself, who in this way prepares great changes, and seeks avenues of justification for the obvious defeat of the war in Ukraine.

changes in sight seem to be indicated by the "main course" offered by the cook, that of "grilled generals," Prigožin's great enemies whom he has been trying to roast for months now: defense minister Sergei Šojgu, and chief of staff Valery Gerasimov.

Both born in 1955, slightly younger than Putin, they are the men who have been ensuring the post-Soviet transition for the past 30 years. Šojgu was in charge of Civil Defense back under Yeltsyn, and has held numerous other posts without ever getting off the power bandwagon, throughout the regime and system transitions.

Gerasimov has also been stationed at the top military echelons since the 1990s, and he is credited with the legacy of the entire Russian-Soviet military school, as even his disciple Valery Zalužnyj, head of Ukraine's enemy army, acknowledged.

At the end of the march on Moscow, assurances came from the Kremlin that "no one will be fired," starting with Prigožin's two enemies, but their preparation on the Wagnerian grill effectively indicates that one era has ended, and another is to open soon.

Finally, for dessert, we have "Prigožin's Belorussian-style cream," which can be freely spread and enjoyed with many other sweet and savory ingredients. The Wagner leader did not want to be subjugated with his people to the regular army, and the march of "union vindication," as someone called it, now allows him to retire in good order, to an African or Caribbean Belarus, depending on taste and convenience. Except then to return to the charge with some other strong menu, and then it will take more than half a liter of vodka, to be able to digest it.

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