Kurds, Islamic State and Syria are thorns in Erdoğan’s side
The PKK denies any role in the attack on Istanbul's shopping strip. After initially blaming the Kurds, the authorities will not disregard jihadis as possible culprits. The Catholic Church in Turkey offers its prayers for the victims. For the apostolic vicar, “the attack was like a bolt from the blue”, threatening the revival of tourism and pilgrimages. As the country gets ready for a presidential election next year, it faces both domestic and foreign enemies.
Milan (AsiaNews) – Almost two days after a bomb exploded in one of Istanbul’s most iconic commercial strips, many questions remain.
Immediately after the incident, Turkish authorities, including President Recep Erdoğan and the government, pointed the finger at "terrorists" for the “cowardly attack" in the heart of the country’s business capital.
In particular, the Minister of the Interior was suspiciously if not rashly quick to blame the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)[*] and Syrian-based Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG).[†]
Investigators turned their attention to Kobane, a Syrian city from where the alleged bomber, Ahlam Albashir, is said to have come and where the attack was allegedly planned.
Both the PKK and Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) denied responsibility in the attack, which killed six and wounded more than 80 people. "It is out of question for us to target civilians in any way," the PKK said in a statement.
For their part, Turkish authorities are starting to have some doubts. A Turkish official said that the possibility of the Islamic State group might be behind the bombing was "not entirely disregarded."
However, the jihadi group usually claims responsibility for its actions via social media. So far, no one from within the jihadi camp or among its supporters has issued any statements or made any comments about the Istanbul attack.
Only the pain of the victims and their families is certain, as well as old ghosts that haunt Erdoğan’s sleep as he struggles to retain power. In addition to a poorly performing economy and runaway inflation, the president is saddled with three major thorns: the Kurds, the Syrian War, and the Islamic State group.
Next year, Turks go to the poll to elect a new president and parliament. As several observers point out, the six months preceding previous elections saw an upsurge in attacks and violence, both at home and abroad , including the controversial 2016 coup that saw the Turkish government go to the brink.
At present, Erdoğan’s leadership is what remains; while in recent years, he was able to keep the country under his control, never before has he needed an “enemy” as now to stay in power.
The prayers of the Turkish Church
The attack took Istanbul and its residents by surprise, still struggling to get back to normal after two years of COVID-19 -related lockdowns and restrictions, this especially in a city that relies heavily on trade and tourism. What is more, the attack also reopened old wounds.
“Unfortunately, the attack was like a bolt from the blue,” said Bishop Massimiliano Palinuro, apostolic vicar of Istanbul speaking to AsiaNews, “because the climate in the city, especially in recent times, had relaxed. There was a significant rise in the flow of tourists and visitors, marking a favourable moment for the recovery of the sector in Turkey.”
“At present, we feel that the priority is praying, meditation, and solidarity for the people who lost their lives and the many who were wounded in the tragedy. As Christians, we feel even more committed to building relations of peace, acting as builders of bridges and artisans of reconciliation in Turkish society.”
“There is so much fear,” noted Bishop Palinuro yesterday afternoon, 24 hours after the attack. “Some streets are deserted and the population is disconcerted.
“There is fear about the future, so much uncertainty; panicked, groups of tourists and pilgrims have cancelled their visits, and this is a very real problem, because the number of tourists and pilgrims had recovered, providing jobs. The sector is very important for the Turkish economy.”
Now, it is time to "keep a cool head, avoid making matters worse. The Turkish police are very efficient” and have experience "in identifying terrorist cells that could be behind the attack. There is a whole organisation, in terms of security, that is taking the necessary steps to neutralise possible future attacks.
"It is evident that the international political situation hasn’t made things easier. Economic uncertainty has become a deterrent to popular discontent. That's why it's essential to remain level-headed.”
Erdoğan’s thorny presidential election
İstiklal Avenue, the scene of the attack, is a multi-ethnic commercial strip on Istanbul’s European side, full of restaurants, shops, commercial activities, and places of worship, including churches and mosques, as well as foreign consulates.
Those who planted the bomb may have chosen it not only because it is a crowded place, but also because it is a symbol of consumerism, openness, and diversity in a country where nationalism and Islam have become powerful weapons that have allowed Erdoğan to rule, even before the crisis triggered by the pandemic.
This is not the first time the country’s leaders have used terrorism to shore up their shaky power, nurturing fear and anger to build up support.
This is especially important in the current economic crisis as Erdoğan tries to revamp his prestige at home by playing up his role abroad, as a mediator with Vladimir Putin's Russia in the Ukraine War.
The president has used the courts and tailored-made laws to divert attention from charges of authoritarianism, human rights violations, and chronic repression of domestic oppositions.
However, it is precisely from the outside that ghosts (old and new) are casting a shadow over his star, starting with the Kurds (in Syria and Iraq), who have been targeted by Turkish forces in recent years in order to create a wider buffer zone along Turkey’s southern border, something not achieved yet because of US and Russian opposition.
Such expansionism has put the spotlight back on the Kurdish resistance in neighbouring Iraq, where Turkey has been accused of using chemical weapons, a charge rejected as outrageous triggering threats of retaliation.
For Turkey, Syria is another time bomb, given the four million refugees whom Erdoğan welcomed at the beginning of the country’s civil war in the name of Islamic brotherhood, and as a possible weapon to blackmail Europe, but who now represent an unsustainable burden in a country with a sputtering economy.
The burden is also political, since more and more Turks view their presence with suspicion (if not outright hate), so much so as to push the government to start negotiating with the enemy, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, for their repatriation.
Last but not least, jihadi groups have sworn revenge against Erdoğan, who early on had allowed the Islamic State to engage in all sorts of trafficking along the Turkish border, only to turn against the group and arrest its leaders, which had a high propaganda value.
All these cleavages and issues could cost Erdoğan the presidency, and might open up credible lines of inquiry into Sunday’s Istanbul attack.
According to Haaretz columnist Zvi Barel, Erdoğan cannot be seen as having lost control over the country’s security situation, even after the latest blow to the prestige of the country and the government, which explains why he and his spin doctors have tried to control the narrative, including pictures and videos, on social media as well.
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[*] Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan.
[†] Yekîneyên Parastina Gel.
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21/03/2016 09:08
