Dushanbe, Emomali Rakhmon, another 'post-Soviet eternal leader' re-elected

In the October 11 elections he received over 90% of the votes. He has been in power since 1994. His lines of government: subjection to Moscow and repression of internal dissent. His son Rustam is destined to succeed him.

Dushanbe (AsiaNews) - While protests have been raging throughout the former Soviet territory against the power figures that have been in the limelight for many years, in Tajikistan, in the elections of 11 October, President Emomali Rakhmon (in the photo on the right) is confirmed with over 90% of the votes.

Rakhmon is in his fifth term and has been in power since 1994, having already been president of the country's parliament or Supreme Assembly since 1992, thus also breaking the records of Putin in Russia and Lukashenko in Belarus. Former secretary of the CPUS in the region before the end of communism, Rakhmon guarantees “post-Soviet” continuity in a very turbulent scenario, beginning with neighbouring Kyrgyzstan, from which it is divided by the Alay mountain range.

Indeed, for nearly 30 years Rakhmon’s policies have been based on unconditional support for Moscow’s positions, as in the days of the Soviet Union, accompanied by an implacable repression of all forms of dissent.

There are some non-state publications in the country, but no private television channel. A contemporary of Vladimir Putin, Rakhmon has hinted that he is now in his last term, but the prospect rather resembles that of his main sponsor in the Kremlin, or Kazakhstan's other ex-Soviet satrap, Nursultan Nazarbaev: life control of the country. The eldest son Rustam, currently president of the Tajik senate, seems destined to succeed Emomali (pictured left).

Rakhmon emerged victorious from the Tajik "civil war" in the first years after the end of communism, as a puppet imposed by Moscow. And Moscow even forbade the establishment of a national defence ministry: the military part of the country’s life is still guaranteed directly by Russia, which supplied both sides during the civil war, waiting to bet on the possible winner. During the clashes 73 journalists were killed, whose deaths have never even been investigated.

The presidential elections took place in a time of pandemic, denied by the president more than in neighbouring countries. According to official figures, over ten thousand people were infected in the past few months, 90% of whom have recovered, and in all there have been 78 deaths. Although the country is one of the most reticent to communications with the outside world, these figures are not very credible given – not least -  the number of Tajiks trying to emigrate to other countries, starting with Russia. Five presidential candidates officially presented themselves in the elections, expressions of parties that have always been allies of Rakhmon, who did not even hold a real election campaign.

After the previous election in 2013, Rakhmon had expanded his presidential prerogatives, and had completely cleared the political scene of all forms of opposition, especially that of the Islamic Renaissance party of Tajikistan. Rakhmon signed an agreement with party president Said Abdulla Nuri, guaranteeing him a certain number of parliamentary seats and command posts in institutions.

From 2015 he began to use the title of "leader of the nation", later officially confirmed by the constitutional reform of 2016, a classic of neo-Soviet politics, together with total immunity for the "leader". But according to the new constitutional charter, Rakhmon’s successors will not have the right to bear the same title, and will not be able to stand in elections for more than two terms, as in the new Russian constitution approved this year.

Tajik is a Persian language similar to that of neighbouring countries, but unlike them, due to Russian influence, it retains the Cyrillic script which makes it very similar to the language of the Bashkirs, one of the regions of Russia closely linked to the Tajiks. The re-election of Rakhmon thus makes it possible to preserve not only a political, but also a cultural and social space of absolute Soviet memory, higly useful to Vladimir Putin in the current context.